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media and the cebu ozone clinic
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The media and
“alternative” medical practice; the case of the Cebu Ozone Therapy clinic.There have been considerable attempts made to find
an account for the general activities of the mass media, and why particular
news items are skewed in certain directions. Windschuttle, in examining
the vast sociological analyses of the mass media, proposes the existence
of a number of theories of how and why the news operates as is does[1].
Noam Chomsky presents a “propaganda model” which describes the elite media[2],[3]
as adjuncts of government[4].
In this role they serve to suppress truths which lie outside the bounds
of the expressible, as defined by those in power, with the end being
to marginalise and control the public. Assessed by June Goodfield, science
and media have had an uncomfortable history together, and some significant
grounds for improvement need to be made by both disciplines in developing
an efficient working relationship. A case in point is the recent media
coverage of the Cebu “Ozone Therapy” clinic, where a claimed alternative
cure for diseases such as cancer and AIDS was implemented, to the disdain
of medical orthodoxy. The case illustrates some of the mechanisms and constraints
which apply to news reporting, and indicates that interacting factors between
media, the medical community and the public can combine to yield a misrepresentation
of the truth in complex issues, such as those posed in the fields of science
and medicine.
part one: theories of media.The propaganda model sees what Chomsky and
Herman term the elite media as adjuncts of the “national interest”[5];
namely government and big business. Elite media journalists work with the
psychologically internalised values of the national interest, automatically
censoring and confining their reports to the boundaries set by that elite
agenda - the bounds of the expressible[6].
Sometimes intervention on issues is required so as to ensure the uniformity
of reporting to the imposed limitations of argument. An increasingly global
control of vast media power by a relatively small group of elite, ensures
that the right criteria are used in the filtering processes that produce
“news” items[7].
Whether Chomsky’s analysis is valid or not depends
upon the issue in question. Rather strong argument has been made for it
in the context of such topics as American foreign policy and the media
coverage of events such as in Nicaragua, El Salvador or East Timor. Although
his model may not as readily apply to science journalism, or perhaps any
journalism extending geographically outside of the United States[8],
it can be seen as quite a robust thesis - even“slippery”.
Since this is the case, Chomsky’s analysis will be evaluated not as belonging
to any particular category in Windschuttle’s theories, but rather the latter
will be viewed in terms of the propaganda model. Chomsky’s model has implications
for many of the assertions that Windschuttle presents, whilst also explaining
what Windschuttle claims to be deficits in those theories.
An important factor in the propaganda model is the
characteristic “sound bite” time limitation of the media, or the level
of conciseness required. In this context Chomsky remarks that if
you want to say something uncontroversial, it only takes a soundbite: it
will not be questioned, by definition. However, if you want to say something
that goes against society’s accepted tenets, then you need time to explain
and justify it. This is a perfect mechanism of physical censorship within
the framework of the way that television (and, to a lesser extent, other
forms of media) present news items.
A parallel can be made to a point stressed in Reflections on Science and the Media. Television, according to Goodfield, has the same problems as print media, but to a level of “gross exaggeration” in comparison[9]. TV is the most potent and widespread form of mass communication, and thus extremely important for science. The nature of TV news, in terms of immediacy, severely time-restricted portrayal, and the deadlines imposed upon the production of stories, yields significant difficulties for the conveyance of the complicated topics of science[10]. Windschuttle’s free market model basically views media as responding to the market in a supply to demand relationship, with readers dictating what media should deliver by their “vote” of news consumption. Here, the press objectively reports reality. Such a claim means that the model fails to explain the many inconsistencies between different media, or between media and informed “outside opinion”[11]. Windschuttle’s bureaucratic model holds that journalists work within an organised framework which may involve the covering of certain domains via assigned “rounds”, and their associated public relations matter (principally the press release, given by the powerful such as Parliament, industry, police and courts)[12]. According to Windschuttle, media has a hunger for a high and consistent volume of material which can be readily tapped from predictable sources (p267) This leads to a reliance upon these external sources, that indeed have their own agendas to attend to. The interrelation between news source and the further selection process of journalist and news consumer, creates the news: it becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy. So professional publicists of the powerful and wealthy begin the cycle of creation of news[13]. Karpf makes the point that “the reliance on official sources can erase a whole issue”[14]. The reliance upon these predictable sources can spell great difficulty in the field of scientific endeavour, as noted by Goodfield. The case of Thalidomide, where the Sunday Times actually spent a great deal of time and resources in extracting “the truth” (despite conventional expert sources who all claimed that the tragedy was not foreseeable), is all too rare a case of media commitment[15],[16]. The usual pattern is one where media exerts substantially less effort in research to get their science facts “right”. A propaganda model’s view of the bureaucratic thesis would see the generation of news in concordance with elite dogma and reliant upon elite sources as being a given part of the media process, as it is another filter to maintain debate within the bounds of the expressible. The reasons for it, though, might lay in an intentional selective silence rather than an entrenched pattern of day to day media work. The manipulative model looks at media as being a tool of those who own it, and the powers that they serve; Chomsky’s “national interest”. Journalists churn out propaganda and cover the truth, modeling the existing social order as the best possible world. They suppress or ridicule dissenting points of view[17]. The ideological consensus model proposed by Windschuttle presents ‘a broad but selective interpretation of news through a mediating ideology’, that defines what is reported and what is suppressed[18]. The model rests upon the idea of a central, elite-defined consensus, which (as an antecedent to media practices) fits novel news into preexisting frameworks that society consensually understands[19]. It is a more elaborate version of the manipulative model. Unfortunately, Windschuttle leaves a number of unanswered questions in regard to his critique of the manipulative and consensus ideology models. His work fails to define those points most central to his thesis, in the charge of the flaws inherent in the manipulative and ideological consensus models [20]. Windschuttle’s journalists who “hotly contend” the accusation of media control is a point which fails to take account of what Chomsky makes clear in his propaganda model: that many journalists internalise the values of their employers through ideological indoctrination and economic necessity, and consequently speak within the proprietor/advertiser enforced and elite delimited boundaries of the acceptable, in a self-censoring way[21]. One of the criticisms that Windschuttle levies against the models that he defines (except the free market model) is that they do not adequately account for the role of a consuming public. Karl E Meyer, Editorial Writer with the New York Times, presents this view[22]. They claim that consumers of a propaganda laden news would realise it as being such, and turn elsewhere to source their news. A suitable answer to this is as Chomsky notes: a culturally entrenched, jingoistic “home team” consensus exists, that explains an unquestioningly dogmatic approach to complex or vague issues[23]. Secondly, the fact that a great deal of the news is inherently unpredictable[24] means that so long as the reading audience does not acquire significant skills in telepathic insight, it can be presumed that such news will continue to be consumed, and that the set boundaries will be observed.[25] The materialist theory that Windschuttle proposes is designed as an answer to this consumer problem: it is principally driven by his perceived need to account for the consumption of news by the public. However, his reference to common formulas used by the popular press[26] must be clearly defined as a different case to the media of interest in the Chomskian analysis, namely the elite media. Windschuttle’s final analysis with this materialist model is that ‘news is a cultural expression originating within the experience of the working class itself’ which is an inappropriate trivialisation, if applied to elite media propagandising. Popular press, as defined by Chomsky, is merely the fuel of diversion that is requested by ‘the eighty percent or whatever’[27]. The materialist theory also verifies Chomsky’s charge that the elite set limits to the boundaries of the expressible: “media controllers” dealing with the working class image, reinforce the required image upon the media. The media then regurgitates that image back to the working class with the added constraint expressed by Young, that ‘the controller ensures that this accommodation stays within limits’. June Goodfield evaluates the behavior that should be followed in communicating scientific work. She sees scientists as having historically held a professional ethos which was quite limited and “Mertonian” in it’s constraints[28]. The peer conformity and guarded reputations of the scientific community, releasing work only via the “learned journals”, leads to a deafening silence when it comes to explaining science adequately for those who most deserve it and ultimately give it licence to exist: the public[29]. Goodfield remarks that ‘the public’s desire to be kept fully and honestly informed is going to intensify’[30]. Goodfield outlines the problem of finding out whose interests should prevail to provide real-world answers to problems (as only trivial problems are unambiguous). The assessment of technology has been dominated by special interest groups: what is needed is a mechanism for knowing why these groups act in certain ways, and what they are actually doing. Since the public ultimately yields the benefit or pays the price for the technologies that special interest groups initiate, the former must “somehow” ensure that diverse interests are ‘balanced by open debate and informed analysis’.[31] The media’s search for the justification as to why special interest groups act in certain ways, and the rationale for their scientific decision making, is the only counterbalance against the dominance of potentially unprincipled elitism[32]. This is reiterated more acridly by Chomsky in his use of the concept of “necessary illusions”[33]. Goodfield[34] and Nelkin[35] list a number of restraints to the reporting of science by reporters and editors: in addition to the need for a predictable source are such things as the compulsion to create interest; to make news immediately graspable; to allocate limited resources; and to attempt to deal with the volume, variety, and the indefiniteness of the scientific knowledge available. All of these points contribute to media inaccuracy when it comes to grasping and conveying the “truths”[36] that may be available. The need to find novelty in media, according to Goodfield, drives such conspiratorial stories as the given example of laetrile, an unorthodox cancer therapy. This is a bad example to select[37]. She proposes that this case shows that the complexity of the issue can cause a media tendency to make shortcuts in time expended and effort exerted in the “correct” story; this is tantamount to the “bending of facts” into a story of sensationalist interest[38]. Goodfield runs through a number of contrasting examples of the media/science relationship, showing how either party can error and consequently damage society, when it lets it’s own priorities get in the way. When scientists take the time to get the point across to the media, and the media is prepared to invest the time and effort necessary to listen and fully understand, bridges can be built between the two with very positive results[39]. Goodfield’s analysis deals sparingly with the fact that science is not infallible. It puts too little emphasis on situations where expert disagreement is a significant factor, and the issues are not clear cut. In such instances as the one dealt with here, a deeper analysis of media response and interaction with other relevant entities is required. Part Two, The Cebu clinic.The
case of the Cebu clinic Ozone therapy illuminates several issues in the
sociology of medicine: particularly the professional politics of AIDS therapeutics,
and the role of the mass media in disseminating medical knowledge, specifically
that of an unorthodox nature. An analysis of how the case unfolded provides
insight into the role of both the media and professional medical ideology
in hampering medical innovation.
“Oxygen therapy” has been
claimed as an effective treatment fora
wide spectrum of diseases, including cancer and AIDS [40],[41],[42].
Using the argument that ‘without oxygen, we die very quickly’, a fundamental
tenet of this treatment is to supply larger quantities of life-giving oxygen
to the body than would normally be achieved via the process of respiration.
Although this sounds simplistic, the literature viewed seems as well documented
and methodologically sound as that of conventional medicine (attempt is
not made here to equate appearances with truths, in either alternative
or establishment medical papers)[43].
Oxygen therapies such as “Ozone therapy”, are claimed to increase oxygen
supply to the cells of the body and destroy viruses and bacteria; this
is a consequence of the fact that many of these organisms are anaerobic[44].
The public view expressed by the medical
establishment is that Ozone Therapy is useless, dangerous, unsubstantiated
by reputable journals, and generally a “con”[45].
According to this view, ozone therapy has not been shown to be effective
in controlled studies, and is harmful to living tissue. It is alleged that
the proponents of the treatment are out to make money from the vulnerable,
and further, that they are paranoid conspiracy theorists proposing a global
conspiracy of pharmaceutical-medical complex dominance and suppression[46].
The event of interest is the media coverage of an Ozone therapy AIDS and cancer treatment clinic in the Philippines, organised by a Victorian named Bob Graham. The clinic was based around the “polyatomic apherisis” technology of Basil Wainwright. He has been denounced by mass media and by the medical establishment as a conman, and proclaimed by the alternative press as a gifted inventor facing a barrage of conspiratorial suppression[47]. Bob Graham’s Cebu clinic was raided and shut down by the Philippines Department of Health, and in a twist of awkwardness for Australian foreign relations, entertainer Johnny Young was ensnared in the clinic raid, and arrested for working on a holiday visa. Most of the Australians immediately returned to Australia; Young spent a smalltime in custody.
The media response.
A Current Affair initially presented a scathing
assault upon the Cebu Clinic, indicating that the operators were merely
“con artists” trying to profit from the misfortunes of AIDS patients, with
a totally ineffective treatment[48].
A striking feature of the A Current Affair report was that considering
it claimed such concern for the patients, it did not present the view of
one of them. It also was void of reference to the scientific issues for
and against the treatment, but rather concentrated upon character assassination
and the (unsubstantiated) economic aspects of the clinic. The closest that
it came to dealing with substantive issues was in the consulting of two
“experts”, Dr. Julian Gold of the Albion St. Sydney AIDS clinic and Victorian
AIDS Council treatment officer, Tony Maynard. Maynard adamantly said of
Ozone therapy and without elaboration;
A
Current Affair:There is nowhere,
anywhere in the world where there is legitimate
evidence that this process works.
Maynard:None
Whatsoever.
Not only did it not present the opinion of any of the patients, but even extracted little from the news team’s covertly enlisted “spy”. It ridiculed the political conspiracy theories expressed by the clinic staff, and devoted two minutes of the total nine minute report to the debunking of Basil Wainwright. The assertion here was that since the inventor had previously fallen afoul of the petrochemical and military industrial complexes, (and the consequent legal embroilments), that this in itself constituted sufficient grounds for the dismissal of the therapy. Overall, the report could safely be viewed in the terminology of the industry, as a “chuck” or “hatchet job”. A few further vagaries or distortions in the report are evident: for example, it is alluded that Dr. Gold is referring to drugs that he is not[49]. Also, the report showed film footage from a hidden camera taken by their spy; what the report did not say was that the A Current Affair film crew actually travelled to the Philippines with the participants, and Bob Graham & staff were happy to be filmed[50]. Channel Seven television news reportedly addressed the Cebu clinic issue with much the same approach as A Current Affair[51]. The newspaper coverage was far less hostile[52]. The reports mainly covered the fact that a famous Australian, Johnny Young, was involved with the clinic, and was arrested in Cebu for visa violations. Derogatory statements about the clinic were limited to quotations from the A Current Affair report, or the clinic participants Johnny Young and Mary Reilly (re. Bob Graham). The Sydney Morning Herald brought out a number of articles as the news about Young progressed, from the 26th March to the 4th April, not really even touching the scientific issues until the last article. This one, entitled “How my Jody Died,” was negative about Graham but somewhat positive towards the Ozone treatment: much of the input was from quotations by Mary Reilly, the mother of the AIDS patient, Jody Baker, that died from AIDS whilst at the clinic. It could be said that there was little new information presented by the papers, and that overall they were relatively silent on the issue. A interesting coincident occurred while the event was being covered; the news of the “concorde” Anglo-French study, determining that no clear benefit was obtained from AZT, was published in the Lancet and, on the same day, picked up by the media (3/4/93). It made mention that AZT made $380 million dollars last year worldwide. The trial had actually not been instigated to test efficacy of the drug, but rather to see what treatment method was optimal. A second AZT article had interesting if not coincidental placement with the “How my Jody Died” report relevant to the Cebu incident[53]. An article with the now standard approach of hesitancy to Ozone therapy appeared in Who magazine, on the 12/4/94[54], and it began to seriously address the issues[55]. The treatment was quoted as “dismissed as bunkum by medical experts”, but also reports the patient’s claims that the treatments were working, and debunks that via expert McKnight as simply due to “artificially high blood oxygen” (what ramifications that has is not explained). Obvious here too, is the lack of scientific argumentation and unquestioning acceptance of the medical establishment’s opinion as inviolate. Later, the incident sparked two articles in the Northern Herald which related to Dr. Joachim Fluhrer, a general practitioner in Manly, practising ‘Ozone therapy similar to the treatment at the centre of a recent scandal in the Philippines’[56]. The articles principally dealt with the treatment’s existence in Sydney, and the fact that Dr. Fluhrer was under investigation by the N.S.W. Medical Board after a complaint by the N.S.W. AIDS Council[57]. One of the articles describes ozone as being dangerous to living cells and non-discriminatory over what it kills. Ian McKnight, pharmacologist and information officer for the AFAO National Treatments Project, very quickly put out a paper after the Cebu incident[58], strongly against the character of the New York based oxygen therapies spokesman Ed McCabe. This dealt with scientific issues to a far greater extent than any of the above reports, but could not really be called scientific due to it’s lack of references and unsubstantiated claims, seemingly once again reliant on the inviolability of the expert’s opinion[59]. From the “alternative” media magazine, Nexus[60], Ed McCabe[61], and a WBAI (New York public access radio) interview with a journalist who was at Cebu[62], a very different story was portrayed. In addition to assertions that the Cebu treatment saw a significant improvement in the conditions of a number of the patients being treated, they claim that Ozone therapy would have yielded what was promised of it, given the time required[63]. They accuse the press of complicity with the pharmaceutical medical complex, in a conspiracy to suppress actual cases of Ozone therapy success[64]. Since at the very least the world’s second largest industry is a significant advertiser, media proprietors have their own economic interests to protect (not even accounting for any direct investment links between media and medicine). One comment worth noting comes from the journalist in Cebu; ...after the raid the major of the city gave the Department of Health the opportunity that if they wanted the study to continue, he would make space available in a hospital and make the patients the guests of the city. For them to turn down that offer and shut it down without looking at the patient’s records, of which the blood tests all showed improvements, or watching a demonstration - that’s when I started to believe that there was some level of conspiracy happening right before my eyes...(p32) Contrastingly to the A Current Affair report of “fraud” perpetrated by Wainwright, Nexus reports that he ran afoul of the British Ministry of Defence after not relegating a politically sensitive energy related invention to the MoD. Basil Wainwright’s case has been picked up by Amnesty International, and the issue of his incarceration raised by in the UK by Lord McNair of the British House of Lords[65]. Part three. media, medicine, models and morals.A point articulated by Goodfield and Broad[66]is
of the self policing nature of science, and the discipline’s peculiar absence
of critics. The departures from an utopian universalism that occur mean
that problems and biases can evolve against viable science within
the framework of orthodoxy, let alone outside it. This should mean that
concern is appropriate on part of the media to not take the word of scientific
experts on face value; certainly not to such an extent as is evident in
this case. Unfortunately it seems to be common practice, and particularly
so for television (maybe due to the constraints elaborated upon here).
According to alternative media[67],
Channel Nine’s ‘upper level management’ was said to have intervened in
the decision to create a hatchet job. The Chomsky model could verify the
conspiracy argument; here it stands to reason that the elite interests
- in this case the pharmaceutical-medical complex, would be very motivated
against any cure which threatens their “cut-burn-poison paradigm” ideologies
and commercial interests.
Explanation for the hatchet job may be made without
conspiracy, as elaborated by Goodfield, Windschuttle and Nelkin. Her remark
about ego interfering with reporting in science is pertinent:
A critic’s role has it’s own temptations: to do a hatchet job for the sake of doing a hatchet job; to become so narcissistic or intellectual that the end and the object becomes one’s own ideas rather than those of the person or the enterprise under review. These temptations are very real...(p98) Goodfield also elaborates that the mass media’s avoidance of controversy is relevant, as sponsors underwrite the programs less to impart information than to accrue esteem and attract buyers. One way, apparently, to garner esteem is to avoid controversy. (p 28) In the case of the Cebu clinic it is clearly far less controversial to side with the medical establishment than to battle against it. It is also a less difficult route in terms of the resources that must be committed to research, and in obtaining expert witnesses to prove the (establishment) point. Being significant sponsors, it also emphasises the point from a different angle; It could be seen as an act of economic wisdom for the media not to “bite the hand that feeds it”. Goodfield indicates the vulnerability of establishment science to sensationalist attack (and also for the reason of “fashion”): it stands to reason that even more vulnerable then, is an underground element practicing methods not supported by the medical orthodoxy: they are easy prey. In a telephone conversation with Bob Graham, and in Ed McCabe’s paper on Cebu[68], it is remarked that the news team of A Current Affair behaved positively towards the treatment: it only turned “anti” after the request for A$250,000 for rights to the story was made by a number of the AIDS patients involved. This could certainly be seen as suitable economic justification by Channel Nine for the adoption of the report’s “angle”. It is almost understandable that the upper level management of a station might instruct a research team to “bury the hatchet” into a report, if the alternative was to pay extortive requests of that magnitude. Secondly, Graham also alleged that the A Current Affair team reported the clinic to the Philippines Department of Health. An act of raiding and shutting down the clinic would act as a further sensational verification of illegitimacy on the part of the clinic: an obvious bonus for the report angle, if not a sad day for media ethics[69]. As pointed out by the Treatments Officer for the N.S.W. Aids Council, such sensationalism has an impact upon the actual medical practice’s view of Ozone therapy; now that Bob Graham has the machine in Australia, and has offered it to doctors that may want to trial it properly[70], none seem to want to touch it. (With the recently reported fate of Dr. Fluhrer to go by, it seems like a wise decision[71]). In this light the media is as responsible as is the medical establishment, for the ultimate difficulty had in achieving a fair evaluation of Ozone therapy[72]. This could be seen as asserting the bureaucratic model as defined by Windschuttle, where the interaction of source, audience and media becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy, as they dynamically react to each other[73]. It seems a significant task for the alternative practitioners of ozone therapy to bring the treatment to the public’s attention, if it is indeed a viable therapy for AIDS, cancer and other diseases, as claimed. If so, it is one issue that desperately needs responsible “science interpretators and critics” as defined and called for by Goodfield[74]. The issue should by no means closed. Conclusion
The discussion of media models early in this essay
attempted to “pigeon-hole” Windschuttle’s (and, to a lesser extent, Goodfield’s)
theories into the propaganda model. However, facts as presented in this
case alone cannot support a conspiratorial explanation for the media’s
actions: they are predictable within the framework of the theses of Goodfield,
Windschuttle, Nelkin and other non-conspiratorialists. The presence of
those explanatory theses that explain the media’s actions, does not necessarily
rule out the possibility of a conspiracy; however, if one exists then it
could not simply be attributed to the medical establishment or the media
individually. These theses are possibly as ‘slippery’ as Chomsky’s propaganda
model, and perhaps more: for they do not depend upon the most difficult
of obtainable evidence, the conspiracy. Conspirators of such a nature would
not advertise the facts.
Being a serious transscientific issue[75],
the actual occurrences seen here demand more. It leaves an avenue for further
exploration which is way beyond the scope of this essay. Only a tentative
decision can be proposed here, and significant research would be necessary
to establish a more confident decision in one direction or another (that
one could be established at all is uncertain at this stage). That being
said, the scope of this essay tends to verify what those such as Goodfield
and Windschuttle have said, as causative factors in the media’s behaviour
demonstrated herein.
A component of the necessary research is a relevant
sociological analysis to properly explain the actions of the medical establishment.
Speculation suggests that such suppression of potentially viable therapies
may occur due to the threat that they pose to the power structures of the
medical industrial complex, or perhaps simply due to sheer arrogance, indoctrination
to conservative medical dogma, and the selective rejection and neglect
of viable research into stigmatised alternative medical methods. The medical
profession has long been impugned with such barriers. It is claimed that
washing the hands before surgery, psychiatry, and the taking of Vitamin
C for scurvy, were once claimed as “quackery” by the medical establishment.
The latter episode, for example, caused unnecessary death for decades[76].
That the medical establishment’s entire paradigmatic approach has long
been centred in a Pasteurian-immunological paradigmatic approach is, to
an increasing amount of commentators, anathema[77].
The “polyatomic apherisis” machine sits idle in Victoria, at Bob Graham’s home. Against the models which emphasise media chaos, entropy and helplessness, the situation of reality creation that seems to be suggested here shows the power of the media over medicine, not just the reliance that the media has to it. The “bad communication” as noted by Goodfield, shared by both the media and the medical establishment, have fuelled each other’s rejection of Ozone therapy. Thus they must both be held to blame if Ozone therapy ultimately proves in any way successful for the treatment of life-threatening illness. Both seem to fail Chomsky’s standard test of sincerity[78]. The Cebu incident is a demonstration of the interrelating dynamic of mass media, public and (medical) scientist. Insofar as the public are willing to let this occur through apathy, ignorance or absolution, they are accomplices. As Chomsky says, there is a distinct percentage of the population that seeks distraction and entertainment rather than confront the issues - and this gives licence for the aberrant mechanisms of mass media and medicine, as shown by the Cebu incident, to work in the first place. But relatively speaking, how aberrant are they? In any case, the consequences are obvious; if Ozone therapy is viable, then the final loser is the public, and ultimately both the subgroups of mass media and medicine fit into that group. Medical issues have an obviously significant urgency in that the displacement of alternative technologies which might be useful to humanity, ultimately result in a cost which can be apportioned in terms of human lives. As pointed out by Burkett, most medical issues are transscientific[79]. In the face of the opportunity cost, it makes the negligence of both the medical profession and mass media all the more pernicious, and ultimately it serves large business interests, irrespective of the intent. Only with more appropriate and responsible science journalism and scientific commentary, as called for by Goodfield, will the public be alerted to these transscientific issues to the extent that they will hopefully be moved into action. Only then will the public’s interests be served to the best of human medical ability. If the given case is anything to go by, we still have a long way to go. apologies re. references to appendix items; they are not yet displayed --Consumercide
[3]
Noam Chomsky, Necessary Illusions, 1988 CBC Massey Lectures, ABC
Media Tapes Australia. In response to a journalist, at a lecture’s “question
time” at a US Polytechnic Institute, Chomsky says that it is important
to understand that the media he refers to is the “elite media”; that media
which is narrowly targeted at the politically active in society.
[5]
Noam Chomsky Necessary Illusions Pluto London 1989, p3 The
“national interest” is an term of political rhetoric which Chomsky evaluates
and exposes as having an Orwellian “newspeak” paradoxical flavour (Necessary
Illusions p105); actually the term refers more to the powerful and
wealthy business elites; they are what is left over when you subtract the
“special interest” groups - groups like war veterans, workers, disabled,
women, elderly, youth, racial minorities...in short, the rest of the country:
those without significant lobbying power to the government.
[6]
Such things might include the US media silence in regards to the invasion
of East Timor by the Indonesians, or the closing of the independent press
in El Salvador; the Sandinistas sanctions against La Prensa is a
different matter - a double standard by US media.
[8]
Chomsky relates that his principle problem is getting coverage on mass
media within the US, and that Canada, for example, where the CBC Massey
lectures “Necessary Illusions” were held, is a far less problematic venue.
[10]
For television, economic factors may have dire consequences for the direction
of programs, and simply eliminate the ability to create and broadcast such
things as good science programs. (There is something of an exception to
this in the UK’s BBC; However, the circumstances of freedom of the BBC
portrayed by Goodfield are unlikely to be paralleled in the US, even by
the public format).
[13]
Windschuttle mentions that this has been evolved into a radical phenomenology
severing the tie between “outthereness” and news, but that this does not
hold up well intuitively.
[14]
Anne Karpf, Doctoring the Media; the reporting of Health and Medicine.
Routledge London 1988 p111-114
[15]
“The Insight Team of the Sunday Times” Suffer the Children: the Story
of Thalidomide Andre Deutsch London 1979 pp241-253
[18]
Journalist John Pilger could be seen as amongst the ranks of the proponents;
John Pilger, ‘A question of Balance’ Heroes, esp. pgs 520-540. Also
‘mates’ A secret Country, p 254, 258-270.
[19]
Not as easily dismissed are the charges of “elitism” and “naivete” to the
consensus model (please see appendix on Windschuttle’s thesis for a discussion
of that part of the critique).
[20]
For example, Windschuttle asserts that the media is not controlled by proprietors
and advertisers on one hand; on the other, without specifics, he indicates
a “general editorial approach” that editorial policy must work under: and
then “some cases” of actual intervention, actually citing examples where
it has occurred. See appendix note for a brief elaboration.
[21]
Noam Chomsky op cit Note 5 pp 21-24, and op cit Note 3. As
Chomsky explains, it is very difficult to continually say one thing and
think another, and so consequently self-justification and rationalisation
is a psychological necessity. Chomsky, in the 1988 Massey Lectures,
makes mention that after a period of proprietor suppression it was, in
large part, no longer necessary for media proprietors to intervene on editorials,
as the boundaries and biases necessary to please management had been internalised.
The background to this is described in the Necessary Illusions chapter
Containing
the Enemy.
[23]
Randall Albury The Politics of Objectivity The point is not condescending
or elitist. Conceptions are complex or vague to the magnitude that expert
disagreement can exist, along with the “tower of babel” phenomenon of information
overload. Pilger would agree with Chomsky. (John Pilger, Heroes,
op
citpp. 520-540)
[26]
“celebrities, disasters, monsters, politics and deviance” and the marketing
of “bad news”. Chomsky’s view is that this is purely distracting media
for those the mass that requires diversion.
[28]
June Goodfield, op cit Note 9 pp1-6: Although she does not specifically
mention Merton and his normative structure of science, the situation described
strongly alludes to this kind of analysis of a scientific community’s “state
of mind” and subsequent behaviour.
[29]Goodfield
op
cit Note 9 p6 gives the example of Margaret Mead as one of the “rare
breed” that faces the challenge, who concurrently released reports of her
research in the “learned journals” with popular books on the same subject.
The situation is inadequate if scientists want an environment in which
science is possible, due to a rising cynicism and need to know as expressed
by the general public.
[32]
This elitism by the “establishment” (Goodfield cites Whitehall as a prime
example) is typified by the view that the public is too low in intelligence
and capability to competently contribute to decision making matters of
a scientific, or any other nature (Goodfield, op cit note 9 p13).
[33]
Noam Chomsky, op cit Note 5 p 17 Here Chomsky cites Reinhold Neibuhr.
As the ‘official establishment theologian’, Neibuhr expressed the attitude
that the proletariat were ignorant, superstitious and faith-driven. This
necessitated the Elite’s presentation of ‘Emotionally potent oversimplifications’
(or “necessary illusions”), to maintain the structures and the continued
structuring of power, and to stop the proletariat descending to “inertia”.
[35]
Dorothy Nelkin, ‘Constraints of the journalistic trade’ Selling Science.
How the Press Covers Science and Technology Freeman New York 1988,
pp 111-131
[36]
Acknowledged that there is a definite problem with the concept truth at
an epistemological level - what is truth in today’s science might be tomorrow’s
nonsense.
[37]
A more objective view by Goodfield in the context of the example given
might yield a different answer, or at least a different example, as there
is still some significant expert disagreement involved in the case of Laetrile.
MD Dr. Ernesto Contreras of Mexico, who has been working in the fields
of alternative medicine for over 30 years, would be one to disagree with
her claim. The matter is beyond the scope of both Goodfield’s and this
essay: suffice to say it is not an acceptable example. Ref. e.g., G. Edward
Griffin’s World without Cancer, American Media, California, 1974.
Further, she makes this claim in the context of a sad lack of efficacy
in the solutions offered by the medical “establishment” cancer treatments
(see The Lancet, Vol 341 Feb 6 1993 for an establishment statement
of the vast inadequacies of current cancer research, and a call to drastically
change embedded dogma).
[38]
In the context of the “pressure of fashion”, Goodfield remarks that journalists
may feel obliged to go out and create scandals against the scientific community,
and cites Daniel Greenberg’s remarks about the media’s “assault” against
scientists involved in recombinant DNA research. From this it is reasonable
to construe that if movements of the scientific community at large can
be vulnerable to unjust assault by media, then fringe groups, who are not
a part of the “strength-in-numbers” of the scientific community, are even
more readily scandalised.
[39]
The Memorial Sloan-Kettering “painted mouse” affair and the issue on cloning
show how the media (or alternately “science commentators”) can fail to
fulfil those requirements, and consequently cause great difficulties for
science and scientists.
[40]
Richard Walters ‘Oxygen Therapies’ Options, the Alternative Cancer Therapy
Book Avery New York 1993,p229
[41]
Gerard V. Sunnen, “Ozone in Medicine: Overview and Future Directions” Journal
of Advancement in Medicine vol.1, no. 3, fall 1988, pp. 159-174
[42]
V Bocci, ‘Ozonization of Blood for the therapy of Viral Diseases and Immunodeficiencies.
A Hypothesis’ Medical Hypotheses (1992) 39, 30-34.
[45]
e.g. Ian McKnight, Oxygen and Ozone Therapies for the treatment of AIDS,
National Aids Bulletin, Vol 7 No 2 March 1993 pp 40-42
[46]
The A Current Affair report makes great use of this position; also see
Ian McKnight, op cit Note 45 pp 40-42.
[47]
Nexus, Vol2,#17, p30 Wainwright has purportedly created a number of inventions
that were first distinctly unpopular with the petrochemical industry, and
is now making a repeat performance with the pharmaceutical industry. It
appears that he has little concept of the phrase “pick on someone your
own size”. Wainwright has been held in a Florida jail for four years without
trial, by the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA). There is some detail
about Wainwright’s detention in
Nexus. Apparently he was originally
held there on a vaguely related charge involving the distribution of polyatomic
apheresis units interstate, in violation of interstate trading regulations,
(the point being that the charges were “trumped up”).
[48]
I was only able to obtain one of the two reports that A Current Affair
showed on this topic, as the cost was too prohibitive to purchase it through
archives. The reports were supposedly on the 25th & 29th of March according
to Nine Archive Department. This report is included on video in the appendix.
[49]
Dr. Gold:They
[AIDS sufferers] must not go off drugs which are preventing them from getting
these serious life threatening infections, and
people who do that end up with severest forms ofpneumonia,
meningitis and other life threatening illnesses.
Consequently
the report alludes that AZT is the drug that Dr. Gold is talking about,
and that the clinic staff are making a direct contradiction. From what
is presented it is quite obvious that AZT is not what Gold is talking about,
as it is a drug designed to boost immune system response in the presence
of HIV, and is not designed against the opportunistic infections that occur
in the full blown AIDS patient. Considering the results of the concorde
Anglo-French
study which were, in a remarkable coincidence released in The Lancet
(and subsequently the mass media) at approximately the same time as the
Cebu Clinic coverage, it would have been somewhat courageous for Dr. Gold
to have been taking a position of advocacy for AZT efficacy before formal
AMA statements were made. [50]
Information from my telephone conversation with Bob Graham. Another anomaly
in the report: it seems to make Bob Graham’s statement that the figure
of $38,000 a year made by the medical establishment for every AIDS patient,
look more like Graham is making the patently absurd comment that the figure
is of the Victorian Aids Council salary, and that is the reason for “conspiracy”.
[51]
It was impossible to obtain the channel seven coverage of the event, due
to prohibitive cost and long lead time on the archive sourcing; and instead
evaluations from the alternative sources (e.g. Duncan Roads’ Nexus)
must be used. It could be assumed from what statements exist that there
was little variation in general theme from the A Current Affair
report.
[53]
A second article on AZT, and concorde’s rejection by an Australian medical
community spokesman, was placed right within the space of the ‘how my Jody
died’ article relevant to Cebu, (for those who wished to read between the
lines?). See appendix for article: see appendix note on Medical establishment
and the test of sincerity for more about the easy path of drug approval
relative to Ozone therapy.
[55]Who
op cit Note 54 indicated that a number of doctors or therapists practice
oxygen therapy in Australia (not polyatomic apheresis); and gave a brief
description of the polyatomic apheresis protocols. It contained
statements from two more AIDS “experts” regarding the futility of ozone
therapy
[57]
Another relevant point is that apparently a “chuck job” was also done by
TV (unknown which channel) against Dr. Joachim Fluhrer, the principle practitioner
of Ozone therapy in Sydney. A Film crew barged into his surgery and then
the tape was later edited, with the inclusion of dhingey, dark rooms that
don’t actually exist in his surgery. Apparently he has now been warned
not to practice Ozone therapy any more with threat of loss of licence (as
verified by Nexus Vol 2 # 17 p 32).(see
appendix interview of De Ruyter for more on Dr. Fluhrer)
[58]
Ian McKnight, oc Note 45 pp40-42. See appendix “interviews” for information
given by McKnight that contrasts with his voiced opinion.
[59]
Scientific papers supporting ozone therapy have been published before and
after McKnight’s, which make his editorial look simplistic and unsubstantiated
in comparison. It is not meant by this that the science is necessarily
good, but that this debunking effort should not serve as the basis for
elimination of the possibility that Ozone therapy may be viable.
Relevant
papers include: Gerard V. Sunnen, ‘Ozone in Medicine’, Journal of Advancement
in Medicine, 1988,andby
the same author, ‘Possible Mechanisms of Viral Inactivation by Ozone’ Townsend
Letter for Doctors, April 1994; the Blood Wells et al report
discussed herein; VA Almazov et al ‘Lipid Peroxidation and Gas composition
in the blood after ozone therapy following resuscitation’ Byulleten
Eksperimental Noi Biologii I Meditsiny 111(5):486-488 1991,cited
in Biological Abstracts Vol 92 Iss 8; Carpendale MT, Freeberg J,
Griffiss JM‘Does Ozone alleviate
AIDS diarrhea?’ Journal of Clinical Gastroenterology 17(2):142-5,
1993 Sept. - Available papers at UNSW are included in the appendix.
[60]Nexus
has repeatedly covered Ozone therapy since the dawning of the publication,
and has much information on it. The case of Nexus magazine
is interesting and a little unfortunate for ozone therapy, if it is a worthwhile
treatment. Nexus is a publication which has some seemingly good
matter, but publishes other matter which is pretty outlandish and scientifically
dubious. Drawing a line between an open mind and a hole in the skull is
perhaps a difficult matter, and in a superfluous analysis, the temptation
would be to “throw the baby out with the bathwater”. The editor of Nexus
claims to have a mission simply to bring “hard to get” news to people.
That he does!
[61]
Ed McCabe is a New York based medical journalist who is well known in alternative
circles for his crusade to get Ozone therapy and other oxygen therapies
legitimised. A major contribution to this issue is included in the appendix
- a fax to Bob Graham, which is pretty libelous stuff.
[64]
To be clear, the accusation rests on the upper levels of the medical hierarchy
- most doctors being seen as altruistic but indoctrinated. The tendency
to jump to immediate conclusions of conspiracy begs substantial qualification
and evidence; to anecdotal extents only has this been provided. (such an
approach, incidentally, verifies Chomsky’s thesis of the problem of attaining
consensus for controversial information). Realistically, if conspiracy
exists, how can it possibly be proven or disproven in this case?
[67]
Ed McCabe’s essay to be published, as included in appendix; Bob Graham
telephone conversation; Nexus Vol2,#17 p 30
[71]
Nexus (News Update comment box) Vol 2 #17, p32. Dr Fluhrer, as covered
in the Northern Herald reports mentioned earlier, was basically threatened
with losing his licence if he does any more Ozone therapy: See interview
in appendix “interviews” for a small but relevant discussion.
[72]
See interviews of the NSW AIDS council treatment officer, “Ross”, in appendix
interviews for more on this point.
[75]
Warren Burkett, News reporting: Science Medicine and High Technology Iowa
State UP Texas 1986 p 100
[79]
Warren Burkett, op cit Note 75 p 100
This work by consumercide.com.
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